Shit, I hate when you write a long message, then click to somewhere else to check facts before finishing, and click back to find the box empty.
Anyway, I was saying that my familiarity with Gramsci is more from a labor-historical perspective, in that I read some of his works & used his ideas in a paper during my final semester of grad school to illuminate why the hollowing of the CIO after Taft-Hartley was both tragic and inevitable. I'm not familiar with Connell, but I think that your approach of using these models of behavior to describe globalization sounds fascinating.
Using these approaches to analyse the impact of globalisation on politics emphasises the reflexive, mutually determining relationship between material capabilities, ideas, and institutions
I'm not quite sure what you mean by this. Let me see if I can suss it out.
Many individual’s ideas derive from the ruling class’s control over civil society and its ability to use such institutions as the church and schools to persuade people to accept that neo-liberal capitalism is, not only, the natural order of things, but, right, proper, and desirable as well.
This certainly appears true in the US, Britain, and Australia (the rightward democracies). I'm not so sure how this plays out in Europe, South America, or Africa, though, where the individuals appear to have a difficult time accepting the rightness of free-market capitalism, especially when imposed by outside forces (aka the IMF & WB) aligned with the internal ruling class. In the US, neo-lib capitalism is conflated with liberal values of governance, making it an easier pill for the middle & working classes to swallow.
However, people’s conceptions and beliefs are also produced through their activities and experiences, so that, to some extent, they should be able to see through the neo-liberal rhetoric and propaganda of the capitalist system, recognising that their interests my be best served by changing it. Gramsci described it as a time of political trench warfare in which the revolutionary elements in society attempt to win over the hearts and minds of the subject classes, the masses, in other words, the public.
Oops, this is where my conflation point properly belongs. I think that we are in agreement thus far, although Gramsci's view of revolutionary elements is far removed from the current realities of socializing forces in the rightward democracies.
Gandhi is indeed excellent. I was recommending a reading on the Rev. James Lawson yesterday, and I stand by it. After getting out of jail for conscientious objection against the Korean War and before being the catalyzer behind SNCC, Lawson went to India to study Gandhi's method of nonviolent direct action.
David Hume's 18th century assertion that subjective (observed) knowledge can only describe how reality appears to us, an “apparent reality”, rather than the objective “deep reality” that describes the ultimate physical laws and substances that constitute our world, which still stands unrefuted to this day.
This goes back to Kant's Prolegomena on All Future Metaphysics (IIRC), in which he posited the phenomenal, experienced world and noumenal unknowable world, thus creating the subtopic of philosophical phenomenology. After studying correlations in Bohr & Heisenburg's different takes on the meaning of their science with the philosophies of phenomenologists through history, I agree that Bohr was a Hume-follower. Heisenburg had more of a Schopenhauerist take on his work. Many of the people reaching for meaning in quantum physics assume that the odd behavior of subatomic particles does point towards a glimpse of the noumenal world, but this seems to be to be patently impossible. The noumenal world, by definition, is unknowable, a Platonic ideal of a world, thus easy to discard as useless whether "real" or "unreal". It's an intellectual dead-end. The permutations of phenomenal world are more important.
At least, or so I argued ten years ago. I might need to re-think my position on all of this.